“We cannot accept a nuclear Iran, and we cannot accept an Iran that finances proxies of terror”

Photo: Flash90

IN

the three senior offices on the 14th floor of the Kiryah in Tel Aviv — the area considered most vulnerable to Iranian missile strikes, according to threats from the ayatollahs and their spokesmen — only one minister will likely complete his full term.

The defense minister and the IDF chief of staff, who sit on the same floor, have already been replaced during the current term, contrary to the natural order of things. But Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, a member of the inner security cabinet, will provide the only apparent continuity of authority until the end of the government’s term — in the minister’s office at the Defense Ministry and as the official responsible for settlement affairs.

Just before the government imposed a ban on interviews with cabinet ministers during wartime, we sat down with him for a wide-ranging conversation. Naturally, we begin with the issues of those days that are so relevant to this moment: the threats of annihilation coming from Iran.

What is Israel’s ultimate objective in this current war?

We cannot accept a nuclear Iran. We cannot accept an Iran that produces missiles threatening the State of Israel, and we cannot accept an Iran that finances terror proxies that threaten us — and indeed, that threaten the peace of the entire Western world. Today the whole world sees that the coordination between us and the American administration is extremely close — between the prime minister and President Trump, and also between the systems themselves. The actions speak for themselves, and there is no need to elaborate.

The big question looking ahead is whether, regarding the final objective — including the destruction of ballistic missile capabilities and the proxies — we see eye-to-eye with Trump until the goal is achieved.

I remind you that on the eve of the war, President Trump, Vice President Vance, and Secretary of State Rubio revealed to the American public that Iran is developing intercontinental hypersonic missiles that could threaten the United States as well. Already today, their missiles threaten American bases and interests in the region. So the Americans emphasize this, rightly, and you heard the president and everyone under him refer to it explicitly as one of the objectives. As I said, we are in very momentous days when actions speak loudly, and it is our duty to choose our words carefully.

The eyes of the entire world are on Iran, but we are simultaneously dealing with enemies on closer fronts. In Lebanon, the IDF is conducting intense activity with the Air Force, but also with boots on the ground. Yet Gaza, of all places, is being pushed to the margins, and it will surface again the day after. Here, we are not necessarily aligned with the US.

You are, after all, the right-wing marker in the government, and we have seen Israel’s conduct with Trump on this matter. On the one hand, there is no doubt he is the greatest of our friends. We could only have dreamed of such cooperation in the past. On the other hand, regarding Gaza, Trump had a different vision, and we saw his plan while we were bleeding there against Hamas. Aren’t you concerned that once the fighting ends, we will be drawn into a honey trap — a new version of Oslo?

First of all, we need to tell the truth. President Trump’s plan that was presented is a joint plan of President Trump and Prime Minister Netanyahu, which he built over a very long period together with former minister Ron Dermer. The root point of disagreement between the prime minister and me throughout the entire war is that I believe we must conquer Gaza, establish a military government there, and settle Jews there — and naturally encourage the enemy’s emigration out of it.

I do not believe that over time it is possible for 1.8 million Nazis who hate Israel, capable of slaughtering, burning, and murdering women, elderly people, and babies, as happened in the Simchat Torah massacre, to continue living beyond our fence. Attempts to escape this reality will ultimately explode in our faces.

As I said already in 2017, we need to conquer Gaza. The question is what price we will unfortunately have to pay along the way before reaching that realization. And here, we must now say the truth — from the first day, Prime Minister Netanyahu has not been there…

But Hamas is there. And in the meantime, it has gotten back on its feet…

Wait, let me explain. I will also explain why I am not troubled by this interim situation. I return to the root of the disagreement: I want us to take responsibility. I argue that we have no choice, because without that there will be no security over time. Netanyahu does not want to take responsibility for Gaza, and therefore he is looking for someone else to enter instead of us.

Now, we do not want either Hamas or the Palestinian Authority. Rightly so, because they are both terror entities — supporters of terror, financiers of terror, facilitators of terror against the State of Israel. The PA does this by encouraging terror, but also through warfare in the ICC and the ICJ. Against this, some kind of strange international construction is being created — the “Board of Peace” and the “International Stabilization Force” and all these things.

You speak like an opposition figure, but the prime minister agreed to all this, in the same government in which you sit as a senior member.

And therefore it is important for me to say this clearly. This is President Trump’s plan, but it was built very closely together with Netanyahu, and from here comes my criticism of Netanyahu on this matter. In my opinion, given the very close relationship and the mutual respect between him and President Trump, he knows how to bring Trump to the places he wants to bring him and explain to him that it is also in his interest.

So you are essentially saying that Bibi can bring Trump around to other positions? Do you think he could have done so on this matter as well, and he failed to do his utmost?

I have no doubt whatsoever that he could have brought Trump along without difficulty. I remind you that when Trump entered office he said, “Open the gates of Gehinnom.” He raised the issue of encouraging emigration from Gaza. He said, “They cannot live here next to each other; we will not allow the Jewish children in Sderot to grow up next to these Nazis who want to slaughter them.” That is something Trump said.

And I remind you that when Trump entered office, he placed the tip of his pen on the table in the Oval Office and said, “Do you see the tip? On the table? That is how small the State of Israel has become. It cannot be defended within these borders.”

That is Trump. And today we all see that he means what he says.

We are hearing talk about going to elections immediately after the war. Looking ahead, will the end point become the starting point of an election campaign?

I believe the interest of the national camp is to complete the government’s term. We are doing many good things. We truly want to finish the war against Hamas in Gaza, and of course it is also important to complete the campaign in Lebanon against Hezbollah, to prevent them from rebuilding their strength.

We have been fighting Hezbollah constantly with great determination, but it was clear another hammer blow was needed to crush them. We are doing wonderful things in the settlements — of course the revolution I am leading in Judea and Samaria, and not only there, but also in the Negev, in the Galilee, and in the economy. So there is no reason to bring the end closer prematurely.

In your role as finance minister, there is no doubt the war will have a dramatic impact, both nationally and regionally. We see the significance of the possible closure of the Strait of Hormuz and the actions the US is taking to prevent it. On the practical level, if a budget does not pass by March 31, the government will fall. And if the draft law does not pass, there will also be no budget, because the chareidi parties have tied the two issues together, even now, because they feel they have no choice.

Regarding the military activity, I will not comment beyond what I already said sparingly. As for the budget, I say this unequivocally: The budget must not be tied to anything. The budget is not a hostage to anything. Out of responsibility to the State of Israel, there must always be a budget — especially during a war. It is truly an existential necessity.

I say this clearly — and after all, I am the one managing it — it will be impossible to meet the needs of the state, the war, and the army without passing a budget. The gap between the continuing budget allowed under law and what we actually need to maintain Israel’s security is enormous. Therefore it would be absolute recklessness to take the budget hostage, no matter the reason. I state this position with complete firmness.

And therefore, to come and say “we will not pass a budget” is irresponsible and even reckless toward the State of Israel. By the way, it will also harm the chareidi public. So, what — will the right hand strike the left hand with a hammer? Whom are you punishing? Yourselves?

So I do not accept this. I believe common sense will prevail, and we will all do what is good for the people of this land. In the current situation, it is impossible to leave the country without a budget.

(Originally featured in Mishpacha, Issue 1103)